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    <loc>http://www.changingamericari.com/1863-national</loc>
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    <lastmod>2015-05-13</lastmod>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL</image:title>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL</image:title>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/55078bade4b0109724a9f5e8/1430269337151-LUHZWT4BMRCD1EW1T7N1/1863+national+intro.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL</image:title>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Matthew Brady, Abraham Lincoln as President, in 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>In 1863, President Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, a document declaring the freedom of all African American slaves in the United States. Although Lincoln’s act of emancipation did extend some aspects of freedom to African Americans, the document did meet opposition from black abolitionists who believed it ineffective in long-term goals for universal freedom.  Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/55078bade4b0109724a9f5e8/1431014593648-EISH27BUG7OXHNH9LVSG/72503_1.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - SALMON P. CHASE TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN, DRAFT OF EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION</image:title>
      <image:caption>Serving as Secretary of Treasury from 1861 to 1864, Salmon P. Chase was primarily responsible for financing the Civil War. Before serving in Lincoln’s cabinet, he practiced as a lawyer in Cincinnati, where he was an active abolitionist and protested against the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. It was with this anti-slavery fervor that he drafted what would become the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation. Although his views ultimately may have been too extreme for the more moderate Lincoln, his words served as the basis for this important document. Read the full draft here.  Courtesy of the John Hay Library, Brown University</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Gideon Welles to Abraham Lincoln, Draft of the Emancipation Proclamation</image:title>
      <image:caption>This images of the Emancipation Proclamation, owned by Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles, was distributed to cabinet members as a preliminary draft. Welles kept a meticulous diary during his time as Secretary to Lincoln, and today it serves as the most reliable account of the Emancipation Proclamation's creation and distribution. Read the full draft here. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository  </image:caption>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/55078bade4b0109724a9f5e8/1428866393674-OK6JHI1B7XKI4HVVMQQC/71148.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Edward Herline, President Lincoln and his cabinet :  Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation</image:title>
      <image:caption>This image reflects the tension in the air in 1863. The faces of Lincoln and his cabinet, solemn and stern, show that these men know the potential negative consequences that this document will bring to the Civil War. As President Lincoln reads the Emancipation Proclamation over, his colleagues wait calmly, knowing that this would mark a formative moment in the nation’s history. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL</image:title>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/55078bade4b0109724a9f5e8/1428867006696-8HUQS2NF6K92KZCAVGMN/80421.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - A Visual Emancipation Proclamation</image:title>
      <image:caption>In this lithograph, created by Henderson-Achert-Krebs Company, Lincoln stands in a familiar gesture of deliverance, holding onto the hand of a recently freed slave who gazes upward, shackles broken and arm outstretched to mimic how Lincoln himself raises the Proclamation in freedom.  Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - An Allegorical Portrait of Abraham Lincoln</image:title>
      <image:caption>In this allegorical drawing, created by publishers Morris Swander and P.S. Duval &amp; Son, the Emancipation Proclamation takes the form of President Lincoln’s own portrait. The words bring to life Lincoln’s determined expression, creating a literal profile that asserts the centrality of the Emancipation Proclamation to Lincoln’s presidency. Accompanying the allegorical portrait are two small scenes in the bottom corners of the document. In one, an abused slave looks towards Lincoln as though in a plea for freedom, while in the other, Union soldiers happening upon a group of slaves gesture to Lincoln as the reason for their presence, redirecting attention once more to the source of the slaves’ freedom.  Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Proclamation of Emancipation with former Presidents</image:title>
      <image:caption>This illustrative draft of the Emancipation Proclamation is significant for its depiction of not only Lincoln, but also all fifteen Presidents. In showing these formative figures in American political history, the artists Max and Louis N. Rosenthal have rendered the document an integral part of the nation’s legacy and American patriotism. Additional images along the left and right sides of the written Proclamation show the plight of the slave from forced labor to civilized freedom—represented overhead by a devil and an angel, respectively— suggesting again what influence the document would have for continuing the narrative of America as the land of the free. Importantly, the figure of the freed slave is peripheral to both the presidents and the text of the Proclamation itself. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Emancipation: Song and Chorus Dedicated to All Lovers of Freedom</image:title>
      <image:caption>“As brothers all, then follow the call, For Freedom and Emancipation. A man is a man, deny it who can, It shall be so at least in this nation.” The jovial nature of this song, inspired by the Emancipation Proclamation, as well as the strong messages it gives to support the document, was a sure way to rally American support for the movement toward greater equality for all races. By speaking of brotherhood, the songwriters put forward a feeling of commonality between black and white Americans alike. Find the full sheet music here.  Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Ticket for lottery for the original draft of the first Emancipation Proclamation, September 22, 1862</image:title>
      <image:caption>The Emancipation Proclamation was also used to help the Civil War monetarily. In order to bring more money to the Civil War relief effort, citizens were asked to contribute a dollar for the chance to receive a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation. With the larger dissemination of the Emancipation Proclamation, many Americans who may not have had access to the document itself could now read its actual contents for the first time. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Democratic Catechism of Negro Equality</image:title>
      <image:caption>On July 4, 1863 the Democratic Catechism of Negro Equality was published in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The document criticizes the Democratic Party of the United States for placing the responsibility of African American emancipation on the Republicans' shoulders instead of participating in the struggle themselves. By beginning the text with an index of the Democratic Party’s accomplishments, the catechism’s authors show how the Party’s ideology already supports abolition, thus revealing the hypocrisy of Democrats' inaction. Courtesy of the Providence Public Library, Harris Collection</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - Thomas Nast, Doctor Lincoln’s New Elixir of Life--for the Southern States, April 1862</image:title>
      <image:caption>Thomas Nast, a prominent American political cartoonist, was deeply committed to the principle of abolition. He supported the Union during the Civil War by drawing images that valorized Lincoln’s efforts and the new act of emancipation. One such cartoon depicts President Lincoln helping a sick, African American male (whose forehead reads “Slavery”) with a bowl of an “elixir” (which reads “Emancipation”). In Nast’s view, the Emancipation Proclamation represented a type of cure-all which would make Southern states recognize that slavery degrades the whole nation. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: NATIONAL - MEN OF COLOR, TO ARMS!</image:title>
      <image:caption>This broadside, likely distributed in 1863, was written after Frederick Douglass’ speech of the same name, delivered in Massachusetts in March of that year—and was signed by Douglass himself. Douglass may be the most famous black abolitionist, but was joined by over 300 black men and women who worked both in concert with, and separately from, their white allies in the fight for emancipation. This document rallied newly freed African American men to join the military and fight in the Civil War. The capitalized and emboldened words place both opportunity and responsibility in the hands of black men, urging them to use their power to fight for freedom. Courtesy of the Providence Public Library, RI Ephemera Collection</image:caption>
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    <loc>http://www.changingamericari.com/1963-local</loc>
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    <lastmod>2015-05-07</lastmod>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL</image:title>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL</image:title>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL</image:title>
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      <image:loc>https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/55078bade4b0109724a9f5e8/1428880967851-VG18QIX5XLUUZDEENPC2/Urban+League+1958001.jpg</image:loc>
      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - The 20th Annual Report of the Urban League of Rhode Island, 1958</image:title>
      <image:caption>The Urban League’s annual report describes the achievements of the organization in the years leading up to the nationally tumultuous 1960s. Included in the report are a timeline of the League’s “significant events and activities” as well as the names and photographs of the League’s presidents, both black and white.  Read the full report here. Courtesy of the Providence Public Library, Rhode Island Collection</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Percentage of Black Population in Providence by Census, 1960</image:title>
      <image:caption>Using data from the 1960 Census, this map represents the clustering of Providence’s black population into particular neighborhoods. Most black residents of Providence were excluded from the city’s outer neighborhoods, following the national trend of black families living in inner cities. In 1960, the highest concentrations of black residents were in what are today known as Mount Hope, Upper South Providence, the former neighborhood of Lippitt Hill, and parts of the West End, Elmwood, and Downtown areas. It is unclear, however, whether Providence's sizable Cape Verdean population is included in this demographic report. Courtesy of the Providence Public Library, Rhode Island Collection</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Girl with Doll, South Main Street</image:title>
      <image:caption>This photograph of a young girl with her doll on South Main St., Providence illustrates the pervading feeling of melancholy that the civil rights movement could not adequately provide for Rhode Island's marginalized black population. South Main St. would soon be gentrified and redeveloped as part of the city's plan, pushing the black residents out of the College Hill area. Photograph by Charlotte Estey, c. 1950 Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - "On Being Black in Providence," WJAR 10</image:title>
      <image:caption>Part of a longer conversation series, “Living” features a diverse range of black panelists from Rhode Island describing their experiences as black men in a segregated city. The following is a transcript of their discussion, which was originally held at the WJAR 10 television station. Read the full transcript here. Courtesy of the Providence Public Library, Rhode Island Collection</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Front Page News, August 28, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>The front page of the August 28, 1963 Evening Bulletin prominently features photographs of Rhode Islanders on their way to D.C. for the March on Washington. More than 350 Rhode Islanders participated in this large scale “March for Jobs and Freedom,” reflecting some activists’ commitment to desegregation at both local and national levels. Read more Civil Rights-era articles from the Providence Journal and Evening Bulletin here.  Courtesy of the Providence Public Library</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Brown University Professor Ned Greene in Chemistry Class at Tougaloo College, 1964</image:title>
      <image:caption>In 1964, with the help of a Ford Foundation grant, Brown University established a cooperative exchange program with Tougaloo College, a Historically Black College in Jackson, Mississippi. The exchange program encouraged Brown and Tougaloo students and faculty to study at one another’s universities, allowing them to better understand the regional, financial, and racial differences between—and establish stronger ties across—these radically distinct institutions. As part of this exchange, Brown professor Ned Greene is seen here leading a chemistry class of Tougaloo students. Courtesy of the Tougaloo College Archives and Freedom Now!</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Transcript from Brown-Tougaloo Language Project (BTLP)</image:title>
      <image:caption>This is an edited transcript of a vocal recording used for analysis in the Brown-Tougaloo Language Project (BTLP). Here, a Tougaloo pre-freshman described being taken to jail for peacefully protesting. The excerpt illustrates both the activism of Tougaloo students and the work being done by the BTLP.  Courtesy of the Tougaloo College Archives and Freedom Now!</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Victory Celebration at Congdon St. Baptist Church, 1967</image:title>
      <image:caption>This celebratory photograph highlights achievements of black Rhode Islanders, here observing their successful fundraising drive. The multigenerational event was importantly sited at the Congdon Street Baptist Church, which opened in 1820 as the African Union Meeting and Schoolhouse. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society     </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: LOCAL - Walkout of 1968</image:title>
      <image:caption>On December 5, 1968, black female students at Pembroke college initiated a walkout, rallying black students at Brown to march out of the university and to the Congdon Street Baptist Church, where they successfully negotiated with the institution for three days on matters of race. The “Walkout of 1968” was triggered by the lack of an existing University-wide commitment to address the improvement of black student representation within Brown’s student body. Soon after, Brown established the framework by which it would measure improvements on race-related issues. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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  <url>
    <loc>http://www.changingamericari.com/1863-local</loc>
    <changefreq>daily</changefreq>
    <priority>0.75</priority>
    <lastmod>2015-05-07</lastmod>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Principles of the RI Anti-Slavery Society, 1838</image:title>
      <image:caption>The meticulous nature of the principles drafted by the Rhode Island Anti-slavery Society underscore the great precedent Rhode Islanders set to reform the American national landscape. By dividing their appeals into three sections—”Emancipation of the West Indies,” “Power of Congress over the District of Columbia,” and “The Narrative of Jane Williams”—all of which pertained to the perils of slavery, the Rhode Island Anti-slavery Society put forth arguments that would come to be adopted by other contemporary abolitionists. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Thomas Wilson Dorr, Act to Emancipate All Peoples Held as Slaves in Rhode Island, Sept. 1839</image:title>
      <image:caption>This draft of an emancipation act, written by Thomas Wilson Dorr, begins to outline the conditions and principles under which all slaves should be freed in Rhode Island. Before emancipation, Rhode Island Stranger Laws termed African Americans a "charge" upon the state. Although Dorr writes of abolition, his maintenance of African Americans' ability to be charged shows the complexities in the different positions held on emancipation.   Transcription: An Act to emancipate all Persons held as Slaves in Rhode Island by the inhabitants thereof-- Be it enacted as follows: Sect. 1. All persons who are held as Slaves in this State by any of the inhabitants thereof are hereby declared and made free. Sect. 2. The persons thus made free shall deemed to be legally settled in the town where they respectively reside; and they shall become chargeable, they shall be supported by the town in the same manner as other persons chargeable, according to law. Courtesy of the Brown Digital Repository  </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Portrait of Elizabeth Buffum Chace</image:title>
      <image:caption>One female suffragist and abolitionist of Rhode Island, Elizabeth Buffum Chace, wrote many letters to her sons before and during the Civil War. Chace was a prominent figure in the abolitionist movement; she was known to have harbored fugitive slaves and established a Female Anti-slavery Society in 1835. In her letters to her sons, Chace expressed her strong solidarity with the movement to free African Americans from slavery. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - CHACE LETTER, 1959</image:title>
      <image:caption>Although Chace’s main objective in this letter was to instill a sense of moral virtue in her son, the mention of the Anti-slavery Society meeting at the beginning of the letter provides a window into her daily life. Her writings point to her devoted nature to the abolitionist movement, nurtured in part by a longstanding family history with the abolitionist movement.  Read more of Chace's letters, with full transcriptions, here.  Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - CHACE LETTER, 1862</image:title>
      <image:caption>When the Civil War was underway, Chace sent her sons this letter showing her position on the actions of the Northern army as well as her deep devotion to the goal of equality for African Americans. General Henry disbanded black soldiers in observation of a 1792 act that did not allow African Americans to serve in the U.S. Army. By expressing such hostile rejection of General Hunter’s complicity with the law decision, and of the 1792 act itself, Chace puts forth her conviction that black men should be regarded as holding the same capacity as white men, that they are all equal. Read more of Chace's letters, with full transcriptions, here.  Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - RI Anti-Slavery Society Collection Box</image:title>
      <image:caption>Chace was also noted to be the abolitionist who owned this collection box, which primarily served as a place to collect funds for printing abolitionist literature. However, these funds were also, on occasion, used to help a fugitive slave make his or her way up to Canada. Courtesy of Rebecca Soules and the John Hay Library, Brown University</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - First Rhode Island Regiment</image:title>
      <image:caption>This photo from the First Rhode Island Regiment Army shows the faces of white soldiers who fought to grant freedom to black Americans, including the young boy at their feet. With the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, this goal of freedom became a reality that eventually added more Northern forces to the Civil War. African Americans were able to enlist in the U.S. Army, and about 179,000 would serve in the regiments by the end of the Civil War. Indeed, Rhode Island’s regiments would take many of these new enlisters; The Fourteenth Rhode Island Heavy Artillery, for instance, had entirely black units, headed by all white officers. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Second Detachment of Regiment Army, Exchange Plaza</image:title>
      <image:caption>Rhode Island residents enlisted in the Civil War in droves. This image of Providence’s Exchange Plaza was taken on the day of the second detachment of the First Rhode Island Regiment. The streets are congested with soldiers and their loved ones, who line up to watch the troops board steamships that will take them to the sites of combat further south.  Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - John Spurlock, 1866</image:title>
      <image:caption>After the Emancipation Proclamation and the Civil War’s end, African Americans experienced varying degrees of freedom in their daily lives. Nonetheless, many freed slaves and other free persons of color sought to demonstrate their improved status after the Civil War by having portraits taken to indicate their higher standards of living, as exemplified in this photograph of Rhode Island resident John Spurlock.  Original photo by Theodore F. Chase, 69 Westminster St., Providence. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Mary Johnson, 1879</image:title>
      <image:caption>Inscription: "For 49 years and still a faithful servant in the family of Mr. C.N. Talbot" Mary Johnson’s portrait signals the perpetuation of prior conceptions of African American life. Both this photograph and the portrait of John Spurlock demonstrate the reality of the post-Civil War era in Rhode Island, where the emancipation process was made even more complex through the enactment of “Stranger Laws.” These ordinances were meant to track the activities and movements of non-residents, though they were widely interpreted as policing people primarily on the basis of skin color. Indeed, these ongoing problems of the Reconstruction era would set the stage for the struggles of the civil rights movement, nearly one hundred years later. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1863: LOCAL - Brown University Baseball Team, 1879</image:title>
      <image:caption>African Americans started attending Brown University, in the city of Providence, in the 1870s; Brown’s first black graduates were Inman Page and George Washington Milford Brown, both in the class of 1877. Elizabeth Buffum Chace was one of the first to advocate for African American students to be admitted to the university, writing in Anti-slavery Reminisces that “a lad of rare excellence and attainments was refused an examination for admission, by the authorities of Brown University, on account of the color of his skin.” The university’s eventual inclusion of African Americans extended beyond the academic realm. This image of the 1879 Baseball team features an African American student named W.E. White, Class of 1882. Courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Danny Lyon at Movement headquarters, Albany, Georgia, 1962</image:title>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Ella Baker, a pioneering civil rights activist also known as the “Godmother” of SNCC, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>In 1960, when Lyon was still an undergraduate at the University of Chicago, a growing student protest movement was forming in Nashville, Tennessee. Civil rights activist Ella Baker saw powerful political potential in these youth demonstrations and helped organize the first large-scale students’ meeting at Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina in April l960. The three hundred students who came, including Chuck McDew, felt that nonviolent tactics would not work as well as direct action. As McDew said, “You cannot make a moral appeal in the midst of an amoral society.” Many student activists agreed with him, and together they decided to form their own organization. Nonetheless, others still believed in the importance of nonviolent principles, particularly in the fight for voter registration. Through this dual project, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was officially formed.   </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Protesters line up at an “all-white” swimming pool in Cairo, IL, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lyon arrived in Cairo, Illinois at the same time that the town was divided, once again, over the segregation of a public establishment. Here, a swimming pool marked for “members only” is transformed as the site of a protest as black residents, towels and bathing suits in hand, demonstrated for entrance.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Demonstrators in line in Cairo, IL, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>The demonstrators at the community pool in Cairo exercised the nonviolent form of protest which SNCC members like John Lewis strongly advocated. Several young black men led the line outside the pool, marching calmly even as tensions in the surrounding white crowds reacted with increasing anger and provocation.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - John Lewis with Demonstrators in Cairo, IL, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Many of Lyon’s photographs of the civil rights movement would be used in political campaigns and donations for SNCC, raising the organization’s profile both domestically and abroad. This image, capturing John Lewis and fellow protestors praying during a demonstration in Cairo would become one of Lyon’s most recognized and circulated works during his time with SNCC.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Segregated drinking fountains, Albany, GA, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Shortly after his stop in Cairo, Illinois, Lyon travelled to Albany, Georgia. He reached the city in August 1962, where he first met SNCC executive secretary James Forman, who immediately sent him to document the movement. Lyon included photographs of existing structural discrimination, such as this segregated water fountain in the Albany courthouse. Forman was an early supporter of Lyon’s involvement with SNCC, recognizing the importance of keeping a visual archive of the movement—one that, as Lyon explained, would be “used to help create a public image for SNCC.”</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - SNCC leaders Joy Reagon, Jessie Harris, Peggy Dammond, Sam Block, and Dorie Ladner march through the streets of Nashville, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lyon’s next documenting trip led him to Nashville, Tennessee in November 1962. The city would host the annual SNCC conference, where leaders from across the southern United States gathered, many of whom were women. Activists such as Joy Reagon, Peggy Dammond, and Dorie Ladner led a march through downtown Nashville after the conference, exemplifying the voice of the movement and the need for continuous action.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - John Lewis quietly prepares to give a speech in Nashville, TN, 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Along with others at SNCC, the young activist John Lewis would become a close friend to Lyon. Lewis was already well known at that time for being a rousing public speaker and a strong leader in the early protest movements. Lyon remembers hearing Lewis speak for the first time at a church in Cairo: “The speech, delivered in a heavy, rural Alabama accent, seemed to come up out of him, out of centuries of abuse, and explode from this unassuming young man. His voice was high pitched and trembling with emotion. John’s speech would have converted anyone, and it converted me.”</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - An officer at the University of Mississippi campus, Winona, MS 1962</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lyon made frequent trips to Winona, Mississippi between 1962 and 1963. During one of his earlier visits, he took this picture of a police officer on the University of Mississippi campus. It was here that black college student James Meredith attempted to register for courses in the segregated school, inciting a violent backlash. The image Lyon took on campus was used in SNCC posters and fundraising flyers, accompanied with the question, “Is he protecting you?”</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - SNCC Members at the Danville Rally, Danville, VA, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>The rallying demonstration in Danville, Virginia drew a huge crowd over a period of days. Several key SNCC players attended the protests, including Bob Zellner, Bernice Reagon, Cordell Reagon, Dottie Miller, and Avon Rollins, pictured here.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - James Forman speaking at the Danville Rally, Danville, VA, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>James Forman also attended the Danville protests, giving a moving and powerful speech to rally support and continue the momentum of a demonstration that had endured intense, and often brutal, community and police retaliation. This image captures the vitality of the meeting’s call to action only moments before the police arrived with tanks and full outfits to break up the demonstration in an unprecedented show of force against a peaceful rally.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Demonstrators at the March on Washington, Washington, D.C., 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>In the summer of 1963, the March on Washington brought SNCC to the center of national attention. It was momentous moment for civil rights across the country, but many SNCC members felt disappointed by the political performance and staged rehearsal of the march. For many at SNCC, the organization’s local work on the ground felt more attuned to the goals of the movement than that of the message in Washington.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Broken windows at the 16th Street Baptist Church, Birmingham, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>On Sunday, September 12, 1963 at 10:22AM, dynamite exploded through the floors of the 16th Street Baptist Church basement, killing four young girls and injuring dozens more. The bomb, planted by four members of the Ku Klux Klan, severely damaged the church, destroying all but one of the building’s stained glass windows.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Funeral crowds wait along the road,  Birmingham, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>The funeral march for the four girls killed in the bombing took place over the course of a few days following the attack. Thousands of mourners gathered along the funeral path to pay their respects and shoulder together the weight of an unbearable injustice.   </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., waiting to speak at the girls' funeral, Birmingham, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>Over 3,000 mourners attended the public funeral for three of the four girls killed in the bombing. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., shown here quietly awaiting his turn to speak, gave the funeral address. His powerful words echoed the sentiments of millions listening near and far to the consequences of American racial injustice.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Demonstrators about to be arrested in Selma, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>By October of 1963, Lyon found himself in Selma, Alabama, working with SNCC to organize a Freedom Day on October 7th, where scores of disenfranchised citizens demonstrated for their right to register to vote. Voting rights had been a central aim of SNCC since its founding two years earlier, but the fight had never become easier. Here, demonstrators and allies, including historian Howard Zinn, supported registration efforts even as the sheriff’s office prepared to make arrests.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - James Baldwin speaks on Freedom Day in Selma, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>Freedom Day in Selma, Alabama marked a somber tribute to the civil rights movement in the south. The day’s events were organized around efforts to register African Americans to vote in public elections, while several important cultural and political figures gave speeches and performed for the assembled crowds, including the author James Baldwin.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - The Freedom Choir sings in the Tabernacle Baptist Church in Selma, AL, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>Music played a huge role in rallying the call for human rights, uniting civil rights protestors and allies through song. Along with the famous “We Shall Overcome,” many demonstrators frequently sang gospel anthems including “This Little Light of Mine.” Students from the Freedom Choir at the Tabernacle Baptist Church recorded a version of ”This Little Light of Mine” that would become a major theme for the movement in Selma.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Police pose for a photograph in Clarksdale, MS, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>The rest of 1963 saw Lyon travelling through the more rural south to document the voting registration efforts by SNCC chapters in Mississippi. These journeys revealed the ongoing tensions left unresolved in small towns and cities more isolated from national conversations on racial justice. In capturing this photograph, Lyon encountered several off-duty Clarksdale, Mississippi police officers whose reception and attitude of SNCC demonstrators and allies is clearly expressed in their leering gestures towards the camera.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Bob Dylan plays behind the SNCC office, MS, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lyon also encountered many other allies of the movement during his time in rural Mississippi. Celebrities and prominent figures such as Bob Dylan, pictured here singing with SNCC members outside a local , would often travel south in support of the efforts to rally the community for voting registration and desegregation. It was also in Mississippi that Lyon would become better acquainted with the important SNCC leader Bob Moses, who he recalled describing this period of the movement as “a tremor in the middle of the iceberg—from a stone the builders rejected.” As Lyon explained, “The presence of young, black civil rights workers in the Deep and rural South had electrified communities.”  </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Ruby Doris Smith, James Forman, Marion Barry, and Sam Shirah after Kennedy’s death, Washington, DC, 1963</image:title>
      <image:caption>As news of President John F. Kennedy’s assassination spread across the country, SNCC leaders and organizers, including Ruby Doris Smith, James Forman, Marion Barry, and Sam Shirah assembled in various offices and chapters to determine what could happen to the organization and what their response should be. Here, the group listens for more news at a SNCC conference in Washington, D.C.  </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - Stokely Carmichael and the Maryland National Guard, Cambridge, MD, 1964</image:title>
      <image:caption>The year 1964 was a turbulent one for SNCC. The southern civil rights movement sparked conversations between members that reflected an emerging internal divide between what and who the organization represented. Lyon, already feeling the stress of an increasingly fractured organization, made one of his last trips to Cambridge, Maryland in the spring of 1964, where he witnessed a violent confrontation between police and protestors during a demonstration march in the city. Caught in the crossfire of tear gas and hurled objects, Lyon managed to capture a few profoundly tense moments, including this image of a young Stokely Carmichael angrily confronting the Maryland National Guard moments before being assaulted himself.</image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - SNCC Photographer Clifford Vaughs arrested by the Maryland National Guard, Cambridge, MD, 1964</image:title>
      <image:caption>By this point, SNCC had grown large enough that Lyon was no longer the only staff photographer. One of these new photographers was Clifford Vaughs, a young African American man from California, who handed his camera to Lyon shortly before being arrested. Lyon captured the tug-of-war that followed when SNCC members tried to stop the police from taking Vaughs away. The ensuing confrontation attested to the demonstrators’ rejection of nonviolent protest, a turn that also reflected a shift in the movement of the late 1960s. These increasing pressures caused a divide within SNCC, too, as some who disagreed with the organization’s evolving nature came to the decision to leave the group altogether.    </image:caption>
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      <image:title>1963: NATIONAL - People voting for the first time in their lives, MS, 1964</image:title>
      <image:caption>Lyon, too, became unsettled with his role as a white photographer-activist for an organization evolving in new directions. The summer of 1964 saw some of his last trips with SNCC, including one more journey to Mississippi as part of a Freedom Vote campaign. Over 80,000 people had registered to cast ballots in a recent Freedom Day vote, many for the first time in their lives, and SNCC helped community members establish the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and begin a voter registration movement known as Freedom Summer. The activities were a huge achievement for SNCC, but the group faced another crises when three SNCC workers were found murdered. The instability of the times catalyzed tensions within SNCC at the height of their increasingly direct action voting rights campaigns. Amid this activity and evolution of the organization, Lyon took his leave of the group shortly before national political pressure brought about the Voting Rights Act of 1965.</image:caption>
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